Dr. Geoffrey McCafferty
Positions
Professor Emeritus
Contact information
Phone number
Cell phone: +1 (859)539-5945
Background
Educational Background
A.B. Ancient Near History and Archaeology, University of California, Berkeley, 1976
M.A. Anthropology, State University of New York, Binghamton, 1989
Doctor of Philosophy Anthropology, State University of New York, Binghamton, 1993
Biography
I became interested in archaeology in elementary school, largely because my father was an 'arm chair archaeologist' who was especially fascinated by early explorers of the Maya region. I was lucky in that my high school offered an elective class in archaeology that included a weekend field trip to the Calico "Early Man" site where Louis Leakey and local archaeologists were excavating a rich deposit of flaked stone; the cultural context remains under debate but the experience was memorable. In high school I also volunteered at the La Brea Tar Pits, where I helped process the excavated matrix in search of micro-remains such as rodent bones and preserved insects.
Upon graduation I began college at the University of the Americas in Cholula, Puebla, Mexico. Although I didn't take any anthropology classes during my short (2 quarters) attendance I did have the opportunity to visit several archaeology sites, especially Cholula itself. The Great Pyramid of Cholula is the largest in Mexico, and was explored using over 8 km of tunnels to discover different architectural facades to document the successive construction phases as the pyramid grew in size over its 2500 year history. I remember using flashlights to explore the parts of the pyramid that were not open to the public.
I finished my undergraduate degree at the University of California at Berkeley, where I ended up specializing in the archaeology of the Persian Gulf under the mentorship of Dr. George Dales. As a lowly undergraduate I never got the chance to assist Dales in the field, but was preparing to go to Iran after graduation. That plan crashed, however, when the Shah was deposed.
I began working in southern California as a carpenter for my friends' construction company, building commercial buildings. By chance, my old roommate from Cholula contacted me about an archaeological project needing volunteers in the Mixteca Alta of Oaxaca, Mexico, so I took leave from my job and moved to Tamazulapan for almost a year. Settlement pattern survey involved walking over the rural landscape with air photos to document artifacts and architecture visible on the surface. I became familiar with Mixtec ceramics, research strategies, and also the Mixtec pictorial manuscripts, or codices. This experience strongly influenced my future research.
After returning to my construction job I suffered a serious accident when the scaffold collapsed under me and I broke my back. During my recovery I was given the opportunity to travel to Mexico with my grandparents, and there I met the great Mexican archaeologist Ignacio Bernal, who encouraged me to enroll again at the University of the Americas (UDLA) for graduate school. There I studied with Dr. Michael Lind and Dr. David Peterson, and also Dr. Wigberto Jimenez Moreno who came for a short, intensive course. Lind encouraged me to work with a large collection of artifacts from the UA-1 field school excavated in 1968 by Daniel Wolfman, and this became the subject of my MA thesis and also PhD dissertation (both from SUNY Binghamton). It was in the process of working on the UA-1 materials that I met my future wife, Sharisse, who was in Cholula for a summer program and helped with the analysis of ceramics and spindle whorls.
After four years at the UDLA, I transferred to the State University of New York at Binghamton with Sharisse and her two young children. SUNY Binghamton was an excellent university for cutting-edge theory taught by such scholars Conkey, Isbell, and McGuire, and also by Ian Hodder who came for an intensive seminar. It also had a contract archaeology devision, the Public Archaeology Facility, where I gained experience in project organization and an appreciation for historical archaeology. But it did not have an established Mesoamerican archaeology focus, so I was forced to build networks on my own through conferences. Sharisse and I collaborated on several important papers focusing on the archaeology of gender, including one that considered the burials of Tomb 7 at Monte Alban and another based on the conquest mural of Cacaxtla. These became some of our first publications.
I received my PhD in 1993, and was awarded a Mellon Post-doctoral fellowship at Brown University, where I was based in their art history department and also the Haffenreffer Museum of Anthropology. Following my time at Brown I held a tenure-track position at a small Catholic university (Salve Regina U) in Newport, RI before being offered a professorship at the University of Calgary. I stayed at Calgary for over 20 years, before retirement. One important development when I took that position was a start-up grant that I used to begin an archaeological project in Nicaragua. This was followed by several major grants from the Canadian Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. the National Geographic/Waitt Fundation, and the Institute for Field Research. An advantage of working in Nicaragua was that it permitted student participation, and over the years more than 200 undergraduate students have learned field skills on a variety of projects.
In retrospect, my career has had several interwoven geographical threads: Oaxaca, Cholula, and Nicaragua. Underlying all of these have been theoretical links through social identities, especially gender, ethnicity, and ideologies, and methodologies involving visual culture, ceramics, textiles, and ethnohistory. I am grateful for all the significant collaborations that I've enjoyed, especially with Sharisse, but also the many students and professional colleagues with whom I've worked and debated.
Research
Areas of Research
Since 2000, my research has focused on the archaeology, ethnohistory, and visual culture of Pacific Nicaragua. This has included large-scale excavation projects at the sites of Santa Isabel and El Rayo, as well as more limited excavations at Tepetate, Las Delicias, Sonzapote, Moyotzinco, and Ticuantepe. The overarching research question has been the investigation of ethnohistorical accounts of migration and colonization of the region by groups from central Mexico, including Cholula, between 600 and 1200 CE. In addition to Colonial period chronicles and historical linguistics, decorated polychrome pottery and its symbolic iconography suggest innovative cultural practices similar to Nahua and Oto-mangue groups from Mexico's central highlands. Over the past 25 years abundant information has been recovered to characterize indigenous practices ... but the connection to central Mexico remains enigmatic.
Plans are underway to shift the focus of my research to El Salvador, where I will collaborate with archaeologists from the Foundation for Archaeology of El Salvador (FUNDAR) to continue excavations at the ancient city of Cihuatan. Cihuatan was occupied between 900-1150 CE, and investigations have continued intermittently for 100 years, including excavations of monumental architecture (such as pyramids, platforms, and two ballcourts), as well as domestic contexts. Dr. Jane Kelley of the University of Calgary directed a household archaeology project there in the 1980s, so my interest represents continuity with that project. Cihuatan is noted for its material similarities to Mexican groups from Tula (Hidalgo), Chichen Itza (Yucatan), Cholula (Puebla), and the Gulf Coast (Veracruz), so this will be a continuation of my research into migration and colonization from central Mexico into Central America.
My interest in Cholula began when I enrolled at the University of the Americas as a first-year undergraduate in 1971, but really solidified when I returned for graduate school in 1980. Cholula is the site of the world's largest pyramid, the Tlachihualtepetl ('artificial mountain'), and it has been occupied continuously for 3000 years. Consequently, the research opportunities are vast, including questions about how the population's resilience has allowed them to continue unabated while other major centers have collapsed. The major effort of my research was the analysis of material culture from the UA-1 field school in 1968 under the direction of Daniel Wolfman that exposed three structures during construction of the university. Two of these were domestic residences with associated artifacts. For my MA thesis I analyzed ceramics from these houses, and then I expanded the analysis to include all aspects of the material culture for my PhD dissertation. These remain the most complete analyses of household practice from the ancient urban center. Another important contribution was the establishment of a ceramic sequence for the Postclassic period (900-1520 CE) that filled a gap in the culture history that previously had been interpreted as site abandonment.
Since completing my PhD based on the UA-1 materials I have participated in several other field projects, as well as using existing sources to interpret the construction history of the Great Pyramid, the role of Cholula in regional marketing, and the impact of the Cholula massacre upon the arrival of the Spanish conquistador, Hernan Cortes. I currently hold a grant from Canada's Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) to investigate ethnic change and resilience during the Epiclassic and Early Postclassic periods (600-1200 CE).
My interest in Oaxaca began when I joined the settlement pattern survey of the Tamazulapan valley in the Mixteca Alta region. In addition to the archaeological research, I also became interested in the pictorial manuscripts, or codices, that were produced in the Mixteca during the final centuries before the Spanish conquest. The manuscripts are primarily genealogical accounts of ruling dynasties of the small city-states in the many small valleys of the Mixteca. Instead of the historical content, however, my interest has been in the visual culture depicted, for example the woven costumes, the weapons, and the architecture. One theme that has been a focus of research in collaboration with my wife, Sharisse, has been representations of textile production tools, such as spindles and spindle whorls, that were used as symbols of female power. We recognized physical examples of spinning and weaving tools among the grave goods from Tomb 7 at Monte Alban, one of the richest tombs ever discovered in Mesoamerica, and used this information to reinterpret the cultural significance of the context as a shrine dedicated to a female earth/fertility deity.
One overarching research interest throughout my career has been the archaeology of social identities, especially ethnicity and gender. My MA thesis considered ethnic identities of Cholula and Oaxaca, contrasting ethnohistorical sources with archaeological material culture. When I began my research program in Pacific Nicaragua, ethnicity was again a central question as I tried to use the artifact assemblages to distinguish traits associated with the autochthonous population from innovative traits introduced by newly arrived groups from central Mexico. My new project planned for Cihuatan (El Salvador) will again consider the material culture in order to infer different ethnic traits.
When I began graduate studies at SUNY Binghamton 'engendered archaeology' was a new concept, and Dr. Margaret Conkey was the leading advocate. I was fortunate to be able to study with her and, under her influence, begin my own research into gender identities -- in collaboration with my wife, Sharisse. This research has integrated archaeological evidence with visual culture and ethnographic analogies. One early example of our research was a critical re-analysis of the Battle Mural from Cacaxtla where, based on our costume analysis, we identified two of the major protagonists as gender female. The stereotypical female activities (based on ethnohistorical and ethnographic analogies) of spinning and weaving have afforded other opportunities to infer gender roles and ideologies.
Ceramics offer many valuable insights onto past culture. They are highly durable, are essential for a variety of functions (especially in food storage, preparation, and consumption), and are often decorated. I became interested in ceramics while working on the Tamazulapan settlement pattern project, where I played a role in using recovered ceramics to establish the time periods from which different sites were occupied. Ceramics from the UA-1 field school in Cholula were a central focus of analysis, both for chronological seriation but also using vessel form as a way to infer foodways. Similarities between the beautiful polychromes of Cholula and those from Pacific Nicaragua were an important incentive for initiating research at Santa Isabel. One of the major differences between the pottery of Cholula and Pacific Nicaragua, however, relates to the utilitarian vessel form of large, flat 'griddles' known as comales that were used for heating tortillas. Comales made up close to 25% of the rim sherds from Postclassic Cholula, yet are completely absent from sites such as Santa Isabel and El Rayo. If these sites were occupied by migrants from central Mexico, as the historical chronicles present, then the lack of comales and therefore tortillas is surprising. This is the subject of ongoing research involving additional sites, including Cihuatan, El Salvador.
In addition to the functional aspects of pottery, decoration is also an important aspect. Design elements and configurations on early Cholula polychromes, often referred to as the 'Mixteca-Puebla stylistic tradition,' feature traits similar to the Gulf Coast, suggesting that Cholula may have been influenced by Maya potters. Pottery from Pacific Nicaragua has some of the same characteristics, and the absolute chronology indicates that 'Mixteca-Puebla' traits were being produced by about 800 CE, which is surprisingly about 200 years before they appear in Cholula.
Besides their role in establishing cultural similarities, ceramic iconography also provides a 'window' onto ancient ideologies. For example, variations on the 'feathered serpent' appear in both Cholula and Pacific Nicaragua, as well as many other sites in between. The Feathered Serpent deity, known as Quetzalcoatl in Nahuat. was one of the most important figures in the Nahua pantheon. Other Mesoamerican deities are also represented on Nicaraguan ceramics beginning in about 800 CE, providing evidence of possible cultural interaction.
The ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua also include a rich array of animal imagery, presumably relating to the animistic belief system of the inhabitants. With Sharisse, we are developing a 'bestiary' of animal imagery from excavated and museum collections, that we are then comparing with ethnographic traditions about animal actors in the cosmology. For example, a fairly common image is that of a praying mantis painted on the walls of Luna Polychrome. Interviews with traditional elders revealed that mantids, known as the 'madre culebra' (mother serpent), could be used to predict the weather as well as lead lost travellers back to their homes. Many of the animals depicted on Nicaraguan pottery related to Chibchan origin myths, and so provide one of the best means of recovering pre-Columbian ideologies.
Participation in university strategic initiatives
Courses
| Course number | Course title | Semester |
|---|---|---|
| ARKY 201 | Introduction to Archaeology | |
| ARKY 325 | Ancient Civilizations | |
| ARKY 327.1 | Popular Archaeology: Frauds, Myths, and Mysteries | |
| ARKY 327.4 | Popular Archaeology: Tales from the Crypt | |
| ARKY 341 | Ancient Mexico | |
| ARKY 345 | Legacy of Mesoamerica | |
| ARKY 471 | Archaeological Ceramics | |
| ARKY 503 | Gender in Prehistory | |
| ARKY 505 | Topics of Debate | |
| ARKY 511 | Mesoamerican Writing Systems | |
| ARKY 537/637 | Mesoamerican Frontiers | |
| ARKY 603 | Historical Archaeology |
Projects
After 25 years of archaeological investigations in Pacific Nicaragua, one of the nagging issues has remained what happened in the final centuries before the Spanish conquest, beginning in 1522. Ethnohistorical sources report a large multi-ethnic population in the region between the Pacific Ocean and Lakes Cocibolca and Xaltocan, yet from an archaeological perspective this period is virtually invisible. The chronicles describe Indigenous cultures relating to the Nahuat-speaking Nicarao and the Oto-mangue-speaking Chorotega, as well as autochthonous Chibcha-speakers, though the information about the Nicarao is most explicit. Furthermore, the past 25 years have seen several large-scale excavation programs working in the region, including the Leiden project on the east side of Lake Cocibolca, the Japanese projects along the shore of Lake Xolotlan, and especially the Calgary program along the western shore of Lake Cocibolca. Despite this relatively intensive effort, almost no La Paz phase occupation has been encountered (apart from some evidence at the La Paz site, itself). Consequently, the archaeological record provides little support for the ethnohistorical interpretations found in sources such as Oviedo y Vazquez.
To address this gap I returned to the site of Tepetate, located just north of modern-day Granada and where we had excavated in 2008. Tepetate is supposedly the site of the Contact-period community of Xalteva, which according to sources was a center for the Chorotega when Spanish conquistador Gil Gonzalez first entered the region and met with Chief Diriangen in 1522. That account indicated that Xalteva was a large and wealthy community. After initially welcoming Gonzalez, the Chorotega attacked and drove the Spanish away, only to succumb open their return the following year. The Spanish established their 'new' city on the lakeshore, where it became an important trading center and eventually the capital of the Spanish colony. Early 20th century accounts indicate that mounded architecture of Indigenous Xalteva remained, though expansion of Granada in later years covered over the ancient settlement.
In 2008, the Calgary program conducted excavations in Tepetate, investigating one of the last remaining mounds and several burial clusters. Diagnostic artifacts and two radiocarbon dates indicated that these contexts dated to the Santa Isabel phase (1000-1250 CE). Because of the poor preservation due to high soil acidity, urban development, and extensive looting it was decided to suspend further investigation and move on to the El Rayo site on the Asese peninsula south of Granada. Thus, although the ethnohistorical sources predicted a Contact-period settlement, no such occupation was encountered.
In 2025, however, we decided to return to Tepetate to continue the search for the La Paz phase town of Xalteva. Several loci were identified within the modern urban setting where green-spaces preserved what was hoped to be undisturbed cultural deposits. These were investigated using a combination of shovel-testing followed by horizontal excavation.
Locus 1
This was a large field next to a municipal basketball court and playground, located about 400 m southwest of the 2008 excavation area. Shovel-tests were laid out on a 10m grid. Artifact density was very low, and there was a mixture of modern and pre-Columbian material. Three 1 x 1m excavation units were dug around STPs with the highest artifact concentrations, but no features were encountered. The few diagnostic sherds found included Papagayo Polychromes, but these could not be identified as to the specific phase. It was decided to move on to a more productive area.
Locus 2
Two city-blocks south of Locus 1 was another open green space with three low mounds elevated about 1.5 m above street level. The central mound (Mound 2) was designated Locus 2. It measured 37 x 14 m. A series of shovel tests were dug at 10 m intervals across the top, and five trenches were dug into the sides in search of evidence of mound construction. A 1 x 1 m unit was also placed on top of the mound to expose construction stratigraphy.
The two trenches on the south side of the mound encountered a brick-lined drainage channel that probably dated to the 20th century (Fig. ). The drain ran the entire length of the Mound 2 and ended at a municipal water line at the southeast corner.
The trenches into the sides of the mound revealed a complex stratigraphy of different colored and consistency soils, probably indicating sequential layers of construction fill (Fig. ). The fill layers were almost sterile, suggesting that the soils were transported from outside of the urban area. We speculated that the different soil types may have come from different areas and could be an indication of tribute contributed for the mound construction.
Unit 6 began as a 1 x 1 m unit dug into the top of Mound 2. Differential levels of compaction was interpreted as evidence of an intrusive pit, but upon excavation to a depth of 2 m no cultural material was encountered to explain the purpose of the feature. At bottom of unit the fill layer ended at a layer of reddish talpuja (natural soil). On the north side of the unit a more hard-packed surface was encountered at 20 cm below the surface. This was interpreted as a walking surface and several more units were opened to expose the surface until ultimately 4 m2 of the surface was exposed. An alignment of three postholes were found along the north side of the walking surface. These measured about 30 cm in diameter, and are interpreted as structural posts to support a roof (probably of thatch).
Artifact density was very low. A few diagnostic sherds of Papagayo Polychrome were recovered, including one identified as Casares variety.
Locus 3
Just east of Mound 2 was a larger mound, Mound 1, that was designated Locus 3. Mound 1 was comparable in height (about 1.5 m) and about 80 x 80 m in surface area. Investigation of Locus 3 consisted of a transect of shovel tests at 10 m intervals along the western edge, and a 1 x 1 m unit at the southwest corner. Again, the artifact density was very low, and consisted of modern debris in the upper levels with non-diagnostic pre-Columbian artifacts below.
Locus 4
About 150 m north of Mound 1 is a deep ravine with a stream that flows into Lake Cocibolca. Inspection of the side wall of the ravine revealed a lens of polychrome ceramics about 2 m below the surface. Three 1 x 1 m units were excavated along the edge of the ravine to arrive at the level of the sherd lens. Artifact densities were higher in these units, with diagnostic ceramics from the late periods.
Material culture
Interpretations
The objective of the 2025 field season at Tepetate was to sample deposits related to the terminal pre-Columbian and Contact periods. The most notable result was the discovery of Mounds 1, 2, and 3, which based on the stratigraphy (especially from Mound 2) were artificial mounds constructed during the late pre-Columbian period. No diagnostic artifacts nor useful carbon samples were found to narrow that chronological assessment. However, the walking surface and alignment of postholes on Mound 2 resembles the layout of an elite structure depicted by Oviedo from the Nicarao site of Tecoatega, dating to the early Contact-period (Fig. ). While highly speculative, this association may indicate that this mound complex may have been an elite compound.
The archaeology of Nicaragua remains poorly developed despite advances since the 1990s, yet the pre-Columbian past is an important foundation for the modern culture and political identity of the country and its people. The Tepetate Archaeological Project (TAP) produced important results to better understand the late prehistory of the indigenous population at the site of Tepetate, identified as the ancient town of Xalteva, located on the outskirts of the Colonial capital of Granada on the northwest coast of Lake Cocibolca (Fig. 1). Xalteva was a centre of the Chorotega culture at the time of the Spanish conquest, and had previously been surveyed and described by Silvia Salgado (1996). Since the Chorotega allegedly originated in central and southern Mexico, the project considered questions of migration and ethnic identity as revealed in the archaeological record, building on insights compiled in the previous project in Santa Isabel, Nicaragua.
Nicaraguan culture history highlights ethnohistorical accounts of migrations from central Mexico in the final centuries of the prehispanic era, including the Oto-Manguean speaking Chorotega and the Nahua Nicarao. Yet despite the well-documented historical accounts relatively little archaeological attention has been paid to the question of cultural origins. Recent anthropologically oriented interpretations tend to reject the significance of these migrations and prefer an autochthonous development of prehispanic culture as part of a Greater Chibchan culture area relating to lower Central America and northern South America. Excavations at Santa Isabel, in the Rivas district south of Granada, recovered evidence to support both of these competing interpretations, resulting in a more complex scenario than either position had previously proposed, and one that requires further exploration.
The TAP research continued to investigate these issues by moving to a site that was believed to have been occupied by the Chorotega at the moment of first European contact. Shovel testing and horizontal excavations exposed remains of domestic and public spaces. Household archaeology is widely regarded as one of the best means for inferring social identity and thus proved useful for interpreting the development of Chorotega ethnic identity. Since this is the same methodology employed at Santa Isabel it provided a valuable means for comparison between these contemporary and probably culturally related sites. However, because Santa Isabel was abandoned before the arrival of the Spanish, Tepetate has the potential to fill in a missing piece of the chronological puzzle of Pacific Nicaragua.
Archaeological investigations during the summer of 2008 included intensive shovel testing and excavation at three site loci on the northern extent of the Villa Tepetate neighborhood of Granada.
Shovel testing consisted of a 10 m grid in the 50 x 150 m field that was Locus 1 (Fig. 2). Artifacts clustered around Mound 1, but several other concentrations were detected in non-mound areas, suggesting other activity areas, or at least midden deposits. Additional shovel testing was done in transects to determine site boundaries and to discover other loci. These were begun at a datum located about 1 km north of Locus 2 where a landowner gave permission to investigate an area of high artifact density. The transect then extended south to connect with Locus 1. In the process of shovel testing these transects two other areas of interest were identified, Loci 2 and 3.
Locus 1
Locus 1 was located about 300 m from the shore of Lake Nicaragua, behind the Brisas del Mar condominium development and at the northern edge of the urban zone of Granada. A low mound was preserved in an open field near a large ceiba tree. Since this was one of the only mounds that survive from the Postclassic site of Xalteva, we felt it important to target it for intensive investigation in order to preserve any information that remained as a sample of what had already been lost to urban development.
Mound 1 was approximately 1.5 m in height and covered an area of about 30 m in diameter. Large flat stones littered the surface, similar to the lajas that were described on the surface and sides of pre-Columbian mounds from the site. Excavations commenced as an east/west trench across the top, and another trench north from the E/W axis (Fig. 3). 1 x 1 m units were excavated along these axes, with more opened to further explore particular features.
The upper levels of Mound 1 were badly disturbed by modern activities, probably looting. As a consequence there was an abundance of random stones found within the upper 30 cm, probably architectural fragments discarded from deeper looter's pits (Fig . 4). Other evidence of modern disturbance was the partial skeleton of a cow, which had apparently fallen into one of these looter's pits, and impressions from digging tools found at a depth of more than a meter below the surface.
Deeper levels encountered sections of tepetate floor (Fig. 5); tepetate is the local term for the conglomerate bedrock that hardens when exposed to the air. The west trench exposed an alignment of vertical lajas (sheets of a non-local gray metamorphic stone. Associated with this alignment was another alignment of lajas that outlined an area appropriate for a human burial (Fig. 6), though only a single human tooth was found. Horizontal excavations in the northwest quadrant exposed additional architectural features, including paving stones and a wall foundation (Figs. 7 & 8).
Shovel testing at Locus 1 identified several other subsurface artifact concentrations away from the mound. An extensive concentration was located near the large ceiba tree to the northeast of Mound 1. Excavations recovered high concentrations of lithic and ceramic fragments. Beneath a massive root from the ceiba tree was a complete vessel and several large potsherds (Fig. 9). Although the surface finish was poorly preserved, traces of paint and the vessel form suggest that this was probably an example of Papagayo Alfredo variety.
Other artifact concentrations likely indicate refuse disposal or other activity areas. At the far north end of the field one shovel test yielded several hundred artifacts, and an excavation unit found that these were localized in a discrete layer about 30 cm below the surface (Fig. 10). While shovel testing has not been widely used in Central American archaeology, we are finding them to be very useful for identifying subsurface concentrations where surface visibility is poor due to lush vegetation.
Locus 2
In the course of shovel testing at the northern end of the project area, roughly 1 km north of Locus 1, two low mounds were discovered that included artifact concentrations. Locus 2 was located about 300 m from the lake shore. Excavations focused on a low mound of about 1 m in height. Possible packed-earth walking surfaces were encountered at a depth of about 80 cm below the surface, adjacent to a well-defined stone wall foundation (Fig. 11). Diagnostic ceramics indicate that this mound also dates to the early Postclassic Santa Isabel phase (900-1250 CE).
Locus 3
Shovel testing also identified an artifact concentration about 500 m west of Locus 1, where the landowners indicated there may have been a pre-Columbian cemetery. Excavation units identified stone rubble and a section of preserved floor paving (Fig. 12), and a broken urn with human remains (Fig. 13).
About 100 m to the north of these architectural remains was a shallow drainage ditch, where crew chief Jorge Zambrana detected additional urn fragments eroding out of the bank. Excavation units were laid out over the urn fragments, and several clusters of urns were uncovered (Figure 14 & 15). Urns appear to have been placed one on top of another, resulting in a complex stratigraphy of urn fragments intermixed with human skeletal remains (Fig. 16). Again, high soil acidity resulted in badly deteriorated bones, to the extent that they could not be removed from the ground without complete disintegration (Fig. 17 -19). Several grave offerings were encountered, including miniature vessels, a tripod bowl, a greenstone bead, and a ceramic earspool (Figs. 20-23).
Two separate clusters of urn burials were excavated, the first with roughly 20 urns and the second with about eight. Due to the compressed nature of the deposits it was impossible to excavate the urns as discrete features, and in fact large portions of the clusters were removed in blocks for excavation in the lab at Mi Museo in Granada. The urns were typically of the Sacasa Striated type, in both 'shoe-pot' forms and large jars. These are diagnostic of the Postclassic El Rayo and Santa Isabel periods (800-1250 CE), as were other associated potsherds and the complete tripod bowl. Burials in shoe-pot urns are a characteristic mortuary pattern of Pacific Nicaragua. At Santa Isabel, urn burials were exclusively associated with infants, but at El Rayo and Tepetate the burials were of adults (this was also the pattern found in urns from Managua).
Material culture
Due to extremely high soil acidity few organic materials survived, and even the painted surfaces of polychrome pottery were poorly preserved (Fig. 24). Identifiable ceramic diagnostics were predominantly of the Papagayo type, most characteristic of the Santa Isabel period (1000-1250 CE). The most obvious diagnostics due to the poor preservation of painted decoration were Papagayo Mombacho Incised variety bowls, characterized by often complex incised decoration on the interior surface (Fig. 25). A notable characteristic of the Tepetate ceramic assemblage was molds used in the manufacture of figurines and vessel supports (Figure 26). Several miniature vessels were found associated with the Locus 3 Feature 7 burials (Figure 27), as well as objects of adornment such as a ceramic ear spool (Figure 28) and a greenstone bead. Lithics were found in relative abundance, particularly mixed in around the floor paving stones. These consisted of chert debitage and occasional obsidian blade fragments; it was noted that obsidian made up about 8% of the lithic assemblage, significantly more that has been found at other contemporary sites such as Santa Isabel and El Rayo..
Preliminary Conclusions
The three loci excavated were on the northern edge of the ancient settlement, and along the shore of Lake Cocibolca All diagnostics indicated a Santa Isabel phase occupation (1000-1250 CE), which is consistent with two radiocarbon dates from the site. This is in contrast to the expectation of Tepetate being the Contact-period town of Xalteva. Perhaps there was later occupation in other parts of the site.
It is unfortunate that a site as important as Tepetate has been so severely impacted by recent development. Additional urban archaeology, working in open spaces of the residential neighborhoods, could provide greater insights onto this important site. Looting is another factor that has impacted the archaeological resources, and Mound 1 is an unfortunate example of that. Finally, the high soil acidity has destroyed important artifact classes. We were fortunate to be able to recover what information that was available before these loci were also destroyed by development.
While awaiting our excavation permit in 2003, the University of Calgary archaeology team was invited to assist the National Museum in the excavation of prehistoric 'mammoth' bones in the region of Veracruz de Zapotal, in the Department of Rivas. Farmers excavating a deep well for their banana fields had encountered fossil bones of a large mammal, and reported them to museum officials. Thus began an unlikely adventure.
The site was remote, and had to be accessed via slippery farm paths. The well was about 3 m deep, and an area of roughly 3 m x 4 m in area (Fig. 1). Since we were working in the rainy season the water table was quite high, and in order to work on the exposed bones it was necessary to run a pump full time or else the pit would fill with water within about half an hour.
Because of the short amount of time allocated to this project the goal was to remove the exposed bones without additional excavation. This was precarious due to the wet conditions, though fortunately the walls of the pit were quite solid so there was no danger of collapse. Over the course of several days the bones were exposed and carefully removed (Figs. 2-4). We also checked the backfill in search of possible cultural artifacts, without success.
The in situ deposits indicated that the skeleton was at least partially articulated, as segments of the vertebral column was aligned, and in correct anatomical position relative to the pelvis, scapula, long bones, and ribs. No evidence of the cranium was found, unfortunately, and if it was also articulated it may still be buried adjacent to the pit.
The skeletal remains were removed to Rivas, where they were cleaned and conserved (Figs. 5-7). A display of the bones was exhibited at the Rivas Museum of Anthropology, where it is tentatively identified as a "mammoth."
In 2002, a team of archaeologists from the University of Calgary assisted Dr. Marc Winter of the Oaxaca Regional Center of INAH on a salvage archaeology project at the site of Macuilxochitl. Macuilxochitl is located in the Tlacolula arm of the Valley of Oaxaca, midway between Oaxaca City and Mitla (Fig. 1). Improvements to that section of the Pan-American highway necessitated mitigation of mounds located on either side of the road, especially at the turn-off to the town of Macuilxochitl.
Macuilxochitl was one of the largest pre-Columbian sites in the Valley of Oaxaca. It sprawls over a large area, with distinctive concentrations at different time periods; for example, Dainzu is a Formative period center withing the area of 'metropolitan' Macuilxochitl, while the modern town is located at the far northern extent of that same area. The project area included mounds relating to the Late Classic Xoo and Early Postclassic Liobaa periods. Several mounds were bisected when the Pan-American highway was initially constructed in the 1930s, and plaster floors and mound fill have long been visible along the side of the road. It was gratifying to be able to finally answer questions about those mysterious mounds.
A small group of University of Calgary graduate students accompanied me for a two month field season: Danny Zborover, Melissa Knight, Bobbi Parry, and Hollie Brooks. We stayed in the town of Macuilxochitl with the Zapotec family of one of the laborer chiefs. We greatly enjoyed the opportunity to learn about the local culture and appreciated the wonderful hospitality.
The salvage project concentrated on three large mounds: 35, 36, and 55. Mound 35 was located on the south side of the highway, while Mound 55 was on the east side of the road leading into the town of Macuilxochitl. The U of Calgary team focused on Mound 36 (and part of Mound 37), located on the north side of the highway and west of the road to town.
Mound 36 was the mound most severely impacted by previous road construction, with less than half of the original structure intact. Several plaster floors were exposed in the road cut (Fig. 2). Excavations were directed at clearing the exposed surfaces and the upper floor level. Additional clearing exposed a staircase on the north side of the mound facing Mound 37 (Fig. 3). Located at the midpoint of the staircase was a human skeleton in a flexed, seated position, placed over the final construction layer and with a metate fragment over the skull (Fig. 4).
Although Mound 36 was badly damaged by highway construction and subsequent erosion and looting, nevertheless there were multiple wall and floor levels encountered. One of the most complete features was a wall facing to the north, made of small pebbles covered with a layer of stucco, and in the characteristic talud/tablero form best known from Teotihuacan (and not common in Oaxaca) (Fig. 5). This feature was found on both the east and west side of the central staircase.
The outermost facade featured a decorative pattern of horizontal masonry interspersed with larger stones placed vertically (Fig. 6). This style is known locally as a "Mixtec" trait, supposedly linked with the Postclassic incursion of Mixtec speakers into the Valley of Oaxaca. Macuilxochitl is specifically named as one of the sites with Mixtec rulers in the Late Postclassic period. If this (admittedly tenuous) ethnic identification is true, then the Macuilxochitl archaeological evidence would suggest a very early date for this influence. A more complete example of the "Mixtec" facade was found at Mound 35 (Fig. 7).
North of Mound 36 was Mound 37, a very large mound that was likely residential. Separating the two mounds was a modern drainage canal that also impacted the prehispanic architectural remains. Excavations in the canal exposed several plaza floor layers (Fig. 8), as well as ancient water management systems (Fig. 9).
A small area of Mound 37 was excavated to explore a floor surface exposed by the modern canal. A patio was cleared that included a sunken area filled with wall rubble (Fig. 10). To one side of this patio was a drain that presumably fed run-off from upper levels of the structure (Fig. 11). A similar arrangement of small patios is known from Monte Alban.
The material culture associated with Mound 36 was consistently Late Classic (Xoo phase), but with Early Postclassic Liobaa material associated with post-abandonment levels. This was best demonstrated in a trench dug west from the mound, which encountered a rich midden deposit including well-preserved corn cobs. For the Late Classic, by far the most abundant ceramic type was the ubiquitous G-35 conical bowl, making up roughly 90% of all pottery fragments. Liobaa material culture included numerous examples of what have been identified as ritual offerings (Winter et al. 2007), including miniature vessels and handled incense burners. Also present were many fragments of anthropomorphic urns (Fig. 12). Interestingly, there were virtually no stone tools or evidence of lithic debitage. One notable object that was found (at Mound 35) was a carved human mandible similar to those depicted in Mixtec codices (Fig. 13).
La Arenera is located at the base of a volcano on the northwest side of Managua, off of the highway to Leon. In 2000 we excavated at a La Arenera phase (c. 500 BCE-1 CE) site that had been covered over by volcanic sandy ash. La Arenera (literally "the sand quarry") lies beneath a two meter thick deposit of coarse sand that is being quarried for construction material (Fig. 1). Work crews remove the profitable sand, leaving the lower levels intact. The lower level consists of the occupation layer that was apparently buried by the volcanic eruption.
The archaeological deposits are easily exposed beneath the sand. The soil is hard-fired, probably as a result of the heat of the volcanic deposit. House floors and on-floor artifacts are identifiable, again suggesting that the occupation was terminated as a result of the eruption (Figs. 2 and 3). During our brief visit to the site we surveyed surfaces exposed by the quarrying, to conclude that the pre-Columbian occupation covered a large area, at least 40 hectares.
Preliminary analysis of the material remains indicated a high number of Usulutan-like resist painted pottery, similar to the ceramics found at the type-site in El Salvador (Fig. 7). There were also examples of Rosales Incised Black on Red pottery, diagnostic of the La Arenera phase (Fig. 8). The most abundant lithic material was obsidian, especially large flakes. Both the Usulutan-like pottery and the obsidian indicate trade with the southern periphery of Mesoamerica.
Historic Newport is a shining, even gilded, example of conspicuous consumption during the mid- to late -19th century. Mansion-like "cottages" along Bellevue and Ochre Point Avenues attest to an amazing display of wealth through their architecture, landscaping, and exotic objets d’art. Excavations by students of Salve Regina University’s Archaeological Field Methods class in 1998 investigated a map-documented historical structure that provides evidence for the early development of Newport’s Gilded Age.
A mid-19th century article in Newport’s Mercury described plans for the construction of a "large and expensive mansion house" by William Beech Lawrence (Fig. 1). It went on to discuss his "charming" residence, and "among other objects of convenience an orchard house, 300 feet in length, fully covered in glass" where he raised such exotic plants as strawberries, pineapples, peaches and pears, even during the winter.
Lawrence was a prominent international lawyer, state congressman and Lieutenant Governor (Fig. 2). He was a renowned author of legal studies and had one of the largest law libraries in the United States. In 1850, Lawrence purchased a 69 acre parcel of undeveloped Ochre Point for the construction of his estate, a beautiful frame house. Note that this was one of the earliest mansions on the point, and that Lawrence lived there year-round as opposed to the later use of the "cottages" as summer homes.
The earliest map of the area dates to 1876, and shows the intact Lawrence estate including a large structure on the drive off of Lawrence Ave., several small out buildings across from the structure, and another large frame structure presumed to be the primary residence near the cliff overlooking the ocean (Fig. 3). In 1882, one year after the death of Lawrence, the bulk of the estate was sold to the Van Allen’s and the Lorillard’s. The subsequent results of this sale, found on the 1883 map, show that the large, unidentified rectangular structure is still present, and that the smaller, seaside, frame-style house has been removed in favor of Lorillard’s Vinland. By 1893, the large, rectangular structure had also been removed, this time for the construction of Van Allen’s Wakehurst (Fig. 4).
The large wooden structure first came to our attention as the result of a student paper dealing with the occupation history of Wakehurst Mansion, now part of the Salve Regina University campus. Determining the function of the map-documented structure posed a question that became one of the research objectives of the Field School program: was it a residential structure, perhaps the original Lawrence house? Or was it the "orchard house" described in the Mercury article? Historical archaeology would hold the key to evaluating this problem.
Historically, greenhouses first appeared in America in 1764. Subsequently, throughout the 19th century, the construction of these houses steadily rose, with a particular surge in popularity after 1850. The historical dating, in accord with the Mercury article, would place Lawrence’s "orchard house" at the forefront of this luxury craze.
The goal of the excavation was to obtain a greater understanding of the function of the site. The collection of a substantial artifact assemblage was thought to be the best way to understand the questionable role of the structure, and in order to accomplish this goal effectively and efficiently, a series of 23 shovel test pits were dug on a 50 ft grid in front of the SRU Library (Fig. 5).
Based upon the preliminary analysis of test pit data, especially the presence/absence of natural subsoil, the outline of the building was established and artifact concentrations and possinle features were identified. Four excavation units were laid out to further expose potential features. One of these units exposed a thick concrete pad, possibly the foundation for a furnace used to heat the orchard house (Fig. 6)
Upon comparing the types of ceramics found at the site, it became apparent that we were not dealing with a typical domestic artifact assemblage. It was found that the bulk of the assemblage (70%) was made up of unglazed redware (Fig. 7). Redware was the typical material used for planting, and the forms were consistent with 'flower pot' forms (Fig. 8).
The relative frequencies of glass fragments also provided a distinctive pattern. The great majority was of flat window glass, consistent with the description of the orchard house (Fig. 9). But there was also an unusually high proportion of colored bottle glass associated with wine bottles (Fig. 10). Also present were fragments of stemmed wine goblets.
Excavations on the campus of Salve Regina University identified the architectural footprint of an anomalous building that appeared on historic maps dating to the mid/late 19th century, and was associated with the estate of William Beech Lawrence. Artifacts recovered from these excavations included a high proportion of unglazed redware interepreted as planting pots, and a high frequency of window glass. These material classes are consistent with the historical description of the Lawrence Orchard House. An unexpected insight onto the social activities that may have been associated with the orchard house came via the wine bottle and goblet fragments. Did dinner parties include a visit to the orchard house to show off the exotic plants and their all-season fruit crops? This possibility adds a new dimension to the concept of 'conspicuous consumption.'
In collaboration with Dr. Sergio Suarez Cruz of the INAH's Centro Regional de Puebla, mapping and limited excavation on the northeast platform of the Great Pyramid at an elite residential structure first excavated by Eduardo Noguera in the 1930s. A sequence of six construction stages were identified around a miniature pyramid altar that contained two adult skeletons plus grave goods.The facade of the altar was decorated with stucco skulls. The successive construction stages included earlier staircases and a previous miniature altar that was partially dismantled and covered over for subsequent construction. Ceramics from the different construction stages were seriated to indicate changes from the Late Classic period into the Epiclassic (ca. 600-800 CE). Later stages included types including Cocoyotla Black on Natural and stamp-bottom bowls. These data indicate that elite context was occupied during a time period when traditional culture history of Cholula interpreted abandonment. The platform where the structure is located is depicted in the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca as the palace of the Aquiach (high priest) Amapane of the Olmeca-Xicallanca when the Tolteca-Chichimeca migrated into Cholula, ca. 1200 CE.
In collaboration with Dr. Sergio Suarez Cruz of the INAH's Centro Regional de Puebla, an excavation of a Classic period residence and associated features. Excavated features included a plaster floor, adobe walls, and a sub-floor burial crypt. Four C14 dates placed the house occupation between 400-600 CE. Ceramics and figurines were consistent with that date, and indicated cultural similarities with Teotihuacan. Associated features included a midden deposit with a high concentration of green obsidian debitage, and another midden with early Colonial ceramics and fauna. A high concentration of comal and small olla fragments suggested a non-domestic function for the midden, possible from a tavern because of the specialized consumption pattern. A large fragment of a San Pedro Polished Black on Red Incised olla featured an incised feathered serpent pattern, which I interpret as a form of native resistance to Spanish/Catholic colonization.
When I was a graduate student at SUNY Binghamton I worked for the Public Archaeology Facility, a Cultural Resource Management firm affiliated with the university. I directed several large projects, including a highway department survey in Alpine, New York. Under CRM legislation, archaeological survey must be done prior to federally funded construction. As it happened, an old bridge over Swan Hill Creek had to be replaced, so a cultural resource survey was required. This resulted in two seasons of archaeological research, including excavation at several site loci.
The Swan Hill Creek bridge spans the seasonal stream of the same name on a small road leading out of the town and into mountainous state forest to the east. The town of Alpine in the late 1980s was a quiet community of about one hundred inhabitants, living largely in house trailers. Historical research, however, indicated that Alpine had been a booming mill town in the mid- to late-19th century. This project, then, was aimed at documenting the rise and decline of a rural industrial center.
Alpine was first settled in the early 1800s, and first appears on the Tompkins County map of 1835. By 1857, the Beers' map shows that Alpine was home for about two dozen homes and several mills (Fig. 1). The town continued to boom, as indicated on the 1874 Schuyler County map (Fig. 2). In addition to the mills, a hotel and several businesses were also indicated, including blacksmith shops. The end of the boom was precipitated by the exhaustion of local forests, and then when the railroad by-passed Alpine in the late 19th century; this is seen on the USGS map from the turn of the century (Fig. 3).
Archaeological Investigations
In order to identify and evaluate possible archaeological resources, an initial program of shovel testing was done around the bridge over Swan Hill Creek. The terrain on the east side of the creek was heavily overgrown, with minimal surface visibility, whereas the west side of the creek included maintained yard lots. Shovel testing identified multiple artifact concentrations, labelled 'loci".
Locus 1 was located in the northeast quadrant of the project area, and consisted of late-19th century artifacts, butchered animal bones, and architectural rubble. Excavations identified intact, dry masonry wall foundations (Fig 4). No structures are identifiable for this locale on any of the historical maps, but the Wixsom photographic archive depicts a wooden structure on this property. Based on the material culture, Locus 1 is interpreted as a short-lived residence.
Locus 2 was located in the northwest quadrant of the project area, along the main street of the town. Based on the 1857 map, it probably corresponds to the S & G Mill. There were large, well built foundation walls (Fig. 5), and a thick concentration of industrial refuse deposit (Fig. 6). A well was discovered that had also been filled with refuse, including parts of a Model A automobile, milk cans, and a baby carriage. The refuse consistently dated to the early 20th century, suggesting that the mill may have served as a garbage dump in the final years of the community.
Locus 3 was also located in the northwest quadrant of the project area, on the west side of the road leading across the Swan Hill Creek bridge. Historic maps and images from the Wixsom photographic archive showed this to have been a commercial district, including a blacksmith shop. Excavations discovered the foundations of several adjacent buildings, and especially deposits associated with the blacksmith (Figs. 7 & 8). An area behind the shop featured a thick deposit of coal ash and clinker, mixed with hundreds of snipped horseshoe nails. There was also a round metal object in an area of fire reddened soil that was interpreted as part of the forge. Interestingly, the scrap heap included many metal parts from horse buggies. The timing of the blacksmith shop in the late 19th and early 20th centuries means that there may have been adjustments in action as the owners/smiths shifted from horses to motorized vehicles.
Across the street from Locus 3 was Locus 5, where domestic remains indicated a yard midden probably associated with the residence on L.B. Herrick (1874 map). Excavations also encountered remains of a small structure that was likely the outbuilding shown on the same map. The floor was made of split but unfinished logs, where the bark was visible in the side wall of the excavation. A high abundance of small nails suggest that the small structure may have been a specialized shop, probably of a cobbler.
One final locus received intensive excavation. Locus 12 was located at the far northeast part of the project area. A concentration of domestic artifacts indicated another residence, probably that of H. Wood from the 1874 map. Excavations encountered part of a foundation wall (Fig. 9), and also a stone-lined well (Figs. 10 & 11).
The excavations at historic Alpine provided an interesting insight into a rural community that prospered and then faded over a span of just over 50 years. Several mills were established along Swan Hill Creek, exploiting the lumber of the nearby forests. The town built up around that prosperity, including a hotel for visitors, and several commercial ventures. Of particular interest was the blacksmith shop as it reflected technological and economic factors with the advent of the automotive age. The final nail in the economic coffin seems to have been a politically motivated decision to by-pass the town with the rail line. A clue to why this may have occurred was found in the historic photos of the Wixsom Archive, which featured a prominent 'Greenback" pole indicative of the Greenback movement
I spent 10 months in 1977 assisting Bruce Byland, a PhD candidate at Penn State University, in his dissertation research to survey the Tamazulapan valley in the Mixteca Alta region of Oaxaca. The Tamazulapan valley is a quaint, rural area that specialized in raising maize. Settlement pattern survey is done by walking transects over the countryside, using an air photo to document the location and characteristics of archaeological features encountered on the surface. We averaged about 15 km/day, in transects separated by about 30 m. In the process we discovered nearly 300 archaeological sites -- some with monumental architecture and others down to the size of a household. Artifacts were collected and brought back to the lab house in Tamazulapan town. I organized the ceramic analysis, using a well-worn copy of Ronald Spores' book on the archaeology of the nearby Nochixtlan valley. Besides getting me in excellent physical shape from all the walking, the experience helped develop my interest in ceramics and also (again thanks to Spores) my interest in the Mixtec pictorial manuscripts. One highlight of this experience was working with Spores and Byland in the analysis of a 16th century Relacion Geografica map of Tejupan, another town in the valley, that was depicted with European-style town grid, but also architectural glyphs using the Mixtec codex style (Byland published this).
A bridge replacement project in the Finger Lakes region of New York required a cultural resource survey of the Halseyville historic district. The existing bridge spans Taughannock Creek (Fig. 1). This bridge had replaced a covered bridge built in the 19th century (Fig. 2).
Historical research indicated that the area had first been settled in the early 19th century by Nicoll Halsey, a prominent statesman and member of Congress (Fig. 3). Nicoll Halsey was one of the early advocates of what became the Greek Revival tradition, believing that the democratic foundations of the new republic should be based on the ideals of the Golden Age of Greece, and that artistic and architectural styles based on Greek models would enhance that ideology. The home that he built characterized this concept (Figs. 4 & 5), as did other buildings of his self-styled community, including the Halseyville grist mill (Fig. 6). Remains of the grist mill foundation are stil visible from the river (Fig. 7).
Historical maps indicate the growth of the community in the mid-1800s around the Halseyville mill (Fig. 8). Excavations in the lawn in front of the Halsey mansion encountered evidence of an earlier log structure consistent with historical accounts of the initial settlement in 1807 (Figs. 9 & 10). North of the Halsey house, overburden from bridge construction covered other remains of Halseyville. A trench through the overburden (Fig. 11) exposed foundation remains of some of these buildings, including the Halseyville store (Fig. 12). Artifacts associated with the store included both objects associated with the historical settlement as well as some objects more typically associated with Indigenous cultural practices, suggesting an integrated social network in this frontier community.
Awards
- Insight Grant for four-year archaeological research project Exploring Ethnic Change and Cultural Resilience during the Classic to Postclassic Transition (600-1000 CE) in Cholula, Mexico ($260,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2020
- Archaeological field school at El Rayo, Nicaragua ($30,000), Institute for Field Research. 2021
- Seed Grant for archaeological investigations in Cholula, Mexico ($7500), Faculty of Arts, University of Calgary. 2020
- Seed Grant for archaeological investigations on Ometepe Island, Nicaragua ($4500), Faculty of Arts, University of Calgary. 2019
- Mobility Grant for research and networking in Nicaragua ($7000), Faculty of Arts, University of Calgary. 2019
- Aid to Research Workshops and Conferences Grant to fund travel and expenses related to the 50th Chacmool Conference Chacmool at 50: The Past, Present, and Future of Archaeology ($25,000)., Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2017
- International Seed Grant to develop teaching collections at Mi Museo, Granada, Nicaragua ($5000), University of Calgary. 2016
- Field school for archaeological research in El Rayo, Granada, Nicaragua ($30,000), Institute for Field Research. 2016
- Field school for archaeological research in El Rayo, Granada, Nicaragua ($13,000), Institute for Field Research. 2015
- URGC International Development Grant for curation of archaeological skeletal remains at the Nicaraguan Bioarchaeology Lab. Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Nicaragua, Managua, Nicaragua. ($12,5000), University of Calgary. 2014
- URGC Seed grant Ancient DNA Evidence for Prehispanic Migration between Mexico and Central America (with Brian Kooyman) to fund travel and laboratory analysis. ($14,850), University of Calgary. 2013
- Archaeological Investigations on Zapatera Island, Nicaragua to fund excavation and analysis of Sonzapote, Nicaragua. ($12,000), National Geographic/Waitt Foundation. 2013
- Aid to Research Workshops and Grant to fund travel and expenses related to the 45th Chacmool Conference The Archaeology of War and Peace ($25,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2012
- Partnership Grant Letter of Intent for preparation of formal application for The Cultural Mosaic of the Greater Nicoya Region project ($20,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2012
- Aid to Research Workshops and Conferences Grant to fund travel and expenses related to the 44th Chacmool Conference Climates of Change in Archaeological Method and Theory ($25,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2011
- Aid to Research Workshops and Conferences Grant to fund travel and expenses related to the 42nd Chacmool Conference Identity Crisis: The Archaeology of Social Identity, University of Calgary, Calgary, A, Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2009
- Resident Fellowship, Calgary Institute for the Humanities. 2008
- Special Projects Grant to support the 40th Annual Chacmool conference Eat, Drink, and be Merry: The Archaeology of Foodways. ($7000), University of Calgary. 2007
- Standard Research Grant to fund archaeological investigations for three-year project Ethnic Identities of Postclassic Nicaragua: The Tepetate Archaeological Project. ($178,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2007
- Conference Grant to fund travel and expenses related to the 39th Chacmool Conference De-Colonizing Archaeology: Archaeology and the Post-Colonial Critique. ($20,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2006
- Resident Fellowship, Latin American Research Centre, University of Calgary, 2006
- URGC Short Term Project Grant: Preliminary Excavations at the Edificio Rojo, Cholula, Mexico. ($5983), University of Calgary. 2006
- URGC Faculty Travel Grant to support attendance of International Congress of Americanists, Seville, Spain, July 17-21, 2006. ($1500), University of Calgary. 2006
- Faculty of Social Sciences Research Support (for radiocarbon dating). ($1840), University of Calgary. 2006
- Conference Grant to fund travel and expenses for the 35th Chacmool Conference Apocalypse Then and Now: A Conference about Archaeology and World’s End. ($10,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2002
- Distinguished Research Award, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Calgary. 2003
- Standard Research Grant to fund archaeological investigations for three-year project Exploring Nahua Ethnicity in PreColumbian Rivas, Nicaragua. ($160,000), Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2002
- University Research Grant to fund archaeological investigations in Oaxaca, Mexico: Macuilxochitl Salvage Archaeology Project. ($5845), University of Calgary. 2002
- URGC Faculty Travel Grant to fund attendance of the annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Denver, Colorado, March 20-24, 2002. ($1500), University of Calgary. 2002
- Innovation and Science Grant (Research Infrastructure stream) for the project Creation of a Multidisciplinary 3 Dimensional Morphometrics Centre (with Benedikt Halmgrisson and Kathryn Reese-Taylor)., University of Calgary. 2001
- Conference Grant to fund travel and expenses for the 33rd Chacmool Conference Art for Archaeology’s Sake: Material Culture and Style across the Disciplines. ($10,000, Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 2000
- University Research Grant to support the 33rd Chacmool Conference Art for Archaeology’s Sake: Material Culture and Style Across the Disciplines. University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. ($2000), University of Calgary. 2000
- URGS Starter Grant to support archaeological investigations at Rivas, Nicaragua. ($10,000), University of Calgary. 2000
- Special Projects Grant to fund travel expenses for keynote speaker, Dr. Sarah Nelson (U. of Denver), for the Gender Research Symposium 2000. ($1500), University of Calgary. 1999
- Research Excellence Endowment to purchase computer equipment fund travel to Nicaragua in preparation of field investigations. ($7000), University of Calgary. 1999
- Grant to support excavations at the Patio of the Carved Skulls, Cholula, Mexico. ($25,000; never used), Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc.. 1997
- Undergraduate Teaching and Research Assistantship grant to fund a student assistant for the Origins of Writing module of the PROLARTI Program for the Language and Art Interface CD-ROM project., Brown University. 1995
- Undergraduate Teaching and Research Assistantship grant to fund students participating in summer excavations in Cholula, Puebla., Brown University. 1994
- Undergraduate Teaching and Research Assistantship grant to fund students participating in summer excavations in Cholula, Puebla; Brown University, Providence, RI., Brown University. 1993
- Odyssey Grant to support collaborative research (with Marcia Quiñones) on historical representations of La Malinche., Brown University. 1993
- 1992-94 Mellon Post-doctoral Fellowship in Latin American Art History and Archaeology, Department of History of Art and Architecture, Brown University, Providence, RI., Carneghie/Mellon Foundation. 1992
- 1987-92 Numerous grants for Cultural Resource Management studies through the Public Archaeology Facility, SUNY Binghamton., New York State Department of Transportation. 1990
- Graduate Assistantship, Department of Anthropology, State University of New York, Binghamton. 1990
- Grant-in-Aid for travel and lodging during laboratory analysis in Cholula, Puebla, Mexico. ($500), Sigma Xi. 1987
- Special Projects Fund grant for travel and laboratory analysis of materials from Cholula, Puebla, Mexico. ($500), State University of New York, Binghamton. 1987
- Graduate Assistantship, Department of Anthropology, State University of New York, Binghamton. 1985
- Graduate Research Grant (with Dr. David Peterson) for archaeological survey of the urban zone of Cholula, Puebla, Mexico., Universidad de las Americas. 1982
Publications
- Of Mothers and Midwives in Postclassic Central Mexico. Celise Chilcote-Fricker, Diana K. Moreiras Reynaga, Geoffrey G. McCafferty, and Sharisse D. McCafferty. In Mothering and Archaeology: Past and Present Perspectives, edited by Laura Seifert and Suzanne Spencer-Wood. Routledge Press. 64-88. (2025)
- Visualizando el territorio sagrado de Cholula: una perspectiva diacrónica. Geoffrey McCafferty (translation by Annamaria Ashwell). Cuadernos de Elementos 14. Benemerita Universidad Autonoma de Puebla, Puebla, Puebla. (2025)
- Tapirs in the Ancient Nicaraguan Cosmos. Sharisse McCafferty and Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 177. 82-90. (2023)
- Santa Isabel, Rivas, Informe N-Ri44-00. Geoffrey McCafferty and Larry Steinbrenner. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No 175. 121-124. (2022)
- Tejiendo la casa cósmica: la iconografía de la espiral del huso y la cosmovisión de los Chibchas. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 173. 89-93. (2022)
- Diez años de arqueología en Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 171. 209-231. (2022)
- El Aumento de la Complejidad Social en el Pacifico de Nicaragua . Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 168. 204-220. (2022)
- The Archaeology of Greater Nicoya: Two Decades of Research in Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Larry Steinbrenner; Alexander Geurds, Silvia Salgado Gonzalez, and Geoffrey McCafferty. University Press of Colorado, Louisville, CO. (2021)
- Raising the Dead: Mortuary Patterns in Pacific Nicaragua . Geoffrey McCafferty, Andrea Waters-Rist, Sharisse McCafferty; Celise Fricker, and Jessica Manion. In The Archaeology of Greater Nicoya: Two Decades of Research in Nicaragua and Costa Rica, edited by Larry Steinbrenner, Alexander Geurds, Geoffrey G. McCafferty, and Silvia Salgado.. University Press of Colorado, Louisville, CO.. 395-432. (2021)
- Twenty Years of Nicaraguan Archaeology: Results from the University of Calgary Projects. Geoffrey McCafferty. In The Archaeology of Greater Nicoya: Two Decades of Research in Nicaragua and Costa Rica (edited by Larry Steinbrenner, Alexander Geurds, Geoffrey McCafferty, and Silvia Salgado). University Press of Colorado, Louisville, CO. 125-161. (2021)
- A Critical Reevaluation of Pacific Nicaragua’s Late Period Chronology. Larry Steinbrenner and Geoffrey McCafferty. In The Archaeology of Greater Nicoya: Two Decades of Research in Nicaragua and Costa Rica (edited by Larry Steinbrenner, Alexander Geurds, Geoffrey G. McCafferty, and Silvia Salgado. University Press of Colorado, Louisville, CO.. 67-101. (2021)
- Osteoarchaeological Markers of Health and Identity at the Site of El Rayo, Nicaragua (AD 550-1200). Andrea Waters Rist and Geoffrey McCafferty. In The Archaeology of Greater Nicoya: Two Decades of Research in Nicaragua and Costa Rica, edited by Larry Steinbrenner, Alexander Geurds, Geoffrey G. McCafferty, and Silvia Salgado. University Press of Colorado, Louisville, CO. 433-468. (2021)
- The Ceramics of Pacific Nicaragua: Recent Investigations in Style, Manufacture, and Distribution . Geoffrey McCafferty and Carrie Dennett. In Pre-Columbian Central American, Colombia, and Ecuador: Toward and Integrated Approach, edited by Colin McEwan and John W. Hoopes. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, DC. 131-146. (2021)
- Reading Nicaraguan Ceramics: Yacatecuhtli on the Mesoamerican Frontier. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Mexicon XLIII (5). 109-115. (2021)
- Surfeando el colapso del Clásico en el México Central: la persistencia de Cholula durante la transición del Clásico al Postclásico (600-1200. d.C.). Geoffrey McCafferty. Cuadernos de Elementos, No. 8. (2021)
- Investigaciones recientes en la isla de Ometepe, Nicaragua: en busca del Posclásico Tardío. Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 162. 310-322. (2021)
- Una nueva cronología arqueológica para el Pacífico Nicaragüense. Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 162. 323-346. (2021)
- Cholula, the Mall of (Meso)America. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Urban Commerce in Ancient Mesoamerica, edited by Elizabeth Paris. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association. 54-65. (2020)
- Costume and Identity in Pacific Nicaragua . Sharisse McCafferty; Geoffrey McCafferty. In Personal Adornment and the Construction of Identity: A Global Archaeological Perspective, edited by Hannah V. Mattson. Oxbow Books, Oxford, UK. 41-56. (2019)
- Recent Investigations on Ometepe Island, Nicaragua: In Search of the Late Postclassic. Geoffrey McCafferty. CLAAS Notes, Canadian Latin American Archaeology Society 1. 27-34. (2021)
- Investigaciones preliminares en Sonzapote, Isla Zapatera . Geoffrey McCafferty, Oscar Pavon, and Ligia Galleano Rueda. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 157. 273-286. (2021)
- ¿El libro nicaragüense del Génesis? . Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No 155. 337-338. (2021)
- Arqueo-turismo como desarrollo sostenible. Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 154. 319-324. (2021)
- El Cadejo, un mito nicaragüense de origen precolombino . Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses. 463-465. (2021)
- Praying to the Predator: Symbols of Insect Animism on Luna/El Menco Polychrome from Pre-Columbian Pacific Nicaragua.. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Latin American and Latinx Visual Culture 2(2).. 28-45. (2020)
- Bone Objects of Pacific Nicaragua, AD 500-1300. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Vinculos: Revista de Antropologia del Museo Nacional de Costa Rica. Vol 40 (1-2). 105-124. (2020)
- Embarazada en el lugar del baile: mitos y métodos de producción y uso de textiles. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 153. 349-360. (2020)
- La matanza en Cholula: cronicas de facciones y la arqueologia sobre la conquista espanola. Geoffrey McCafferty. Ayuntamiento de San Andres Cholula. 35-57. (2019)
- Mixtec Militarism: Weapons and Warfare in the Mixtec Codices . Matt Abtosway; Geoffrey McCafferty. University Press of Colorado. (2020)
- La Vida Cotidiana en el Pacfico de Nicaragua Precolombino. Geoffrey McCafferty. Mi Museo. 250. (2019)
- Lectura de cerámica nicaragüense: el tazón Yacatecuhtli. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 151. 370-375. (2020)
- Fantasía: Arte animista y chamanismo en la antigua Centroamérica . Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 150. 374-386. (2020)
- Vestuario e Identidad en el Pacífico de Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 149. 317-339. (2020)
- De-Colón-izando a Malintzin. Geoffrey McCafferty. Elementos 118. 45-52. (2020)
- Cerámica Estilo Mixteca-Puebla del Pacífico Postclásico Temprano Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 147. 328-339. (2020)
- El legado mexicano en Nicaragua, o problemas cuando los datos se comportan mal.. Geoffrey McCafferty. Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, No. 146. 320-335. (2020)
- La Arqueologia de Granada, Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty. Alcaldia de Managua, Nicaragua. (2020)
- Weapons of Resistance: The Material Symbolics of Postclassic Mexican Spinning and Weaving.. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Latin American Antiquity 30(4). 707-723. (2019)
- Mixtec Militarism: Weapons and Warfare in the Mixtec Codices. . Matthew Abtosway and Geoffrey McCafferty. In Seeking Conflict in Mesoamerica Operational, Cognitive, and Experiential Approaches, edited by Shawn G. Morton and Meaghan M. Peuramaki Brown. 166-187. (2019)
- Fantasia: Animistic Art and Shamanism in Ancient Central America. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Latin American Research Centre Publications, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. (2019)
- Mixteca-Puebla Style Ceramics from Early Postclassic Pacific Nicaragua. . Geoffrey McCafferty. Mexicon: Journal of Mesoamerican Studies Vol. XLI.. 77-83. (2019)
- Ancient mitochondrial DNA and population dynamics in Postclassic Central Mexico: Tlatelolco (A. D. 1325-1520) and Cholula (A.D. 900-1350 A.D.). with Ana Yansi Morales-Arce, Jessica Hand, Norma Schmill, Krista McGranth, Geoffrey McCafferty and Camilla Speller. Journal of Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences Doi: 10.1007/s12520-018- 00771-7.. (2019)
- Symbols of Insect Animism on Luna Polychrome. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. Mi Museo y Vos No. 34. 30-41. (2019)
- 2017 Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos . Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana. Compilador/General Editor. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua.. (2017)
- Successful reconstruction of whole mitochondrial genomes from ancient Central America and northwest Mexico. Ana Y. Morales-Arce, Courtney A. Hofman, Ana Duggan, Geoffrey McCafferty, M. Anne Katzenberg, Christina Warinner. Journal of Archaeological Science. . (2017)
- Cual apocalipsis? Un analisis critico sobre teorias de abandono de Cholula. Geoffrey McCafferty and Jolene Debert. Elementos 107. 9-15. (2017)
- El futuro de la arqueología en Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 14-19. (2017)
- Bienvenido Mi Museo. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 22-24. (2017)
- Arqueo-turismo como desarrollo sustenible. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 58-65. (2017)
- Un pueblo de pescadores en la costa del Lago Cocibolca. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 117-121. (2017)
- Investigaciones preliminares en Sonzapote, Isla Zapatera. Geoffrey McCafferty, Oscar Pavon Sanchez, and Ligia Galeano Rueda. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 160-171. (2017)
- Pinto sin gallo? La alimentación de Santa Isabel antigua. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 185-189. (2017)
- El Malacate: Una innovación de la cultura Chorotega. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 190-195. (2017)
- Diez años de arqueología en Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 196-221. (2017)
- Ollas en forma de zapato tipo Sacasa Estriado: Función y significado. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 238-252. (2017)
- Técnicas para el análisis cerámico: Ejemplos de Nicaragua. Carrie Dennett, Geoffrey McCafferty, William Glanzman, and Larry Steinbrenner. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 253-260. (2017)
- La Vajilla Cerámica Granada Roja. Carrie Dennett, Geoffrey McCafferty, and Ronald Bishop. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 266-272. (2017)
- Ciudades jardines del Pacifico de Nicaragua. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 283-291. (2017)
- Serpientes Emplumadas del Pacifico de Nicaragua. Jessica Manion and Geoffrey McCafferty. n Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 302-308. (2017)
- El horizonte cerámico de engobe blanco del Postclásico Temprano de México y Centro América. Geoffrey McCafferty and Carrie Dennett. In Arqueología de Nicaragua: Memorias de Mi Museo y Vos, edited by Geoffrey McCafferty and Nora Zambrana Lacayo. Mi Museo, Museo del Arte y Arqueología Precolombina, Granada, Nicaragua. 316-329. (2017)
- Pregnant in the Dancing Place: Myths and Methods of Textile Production and Use . Sharisse McCafferty and Geoffrey McCafferty. In Oxford Handbook of Aztec Archaeology, edited by Deborah Nichols and Enrique Rodriguez Alegria. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK.. 375-384. (2017)
- La matanza en Cholula: crónicas de facciones y la arqueología sobre la conquista española.. Geoffrey McCafferty. Elementos 102. 3-16. (2016)
- Montañas del Cielo, montañas de la Tierra: la gran pirámide de Cholula como paisaje sagrado. . Geoffrey McCafferty. Elementos 102. 27-42. (2016)
- 2016 Migrantes mayas en Tollan Cholollan.. Geoffrey McCafferty and Tanya Chiykowski. Elementos 102. 49-54. (2021)
- 2015 Archaeological Evaluation of the ‘Out of Mexico’ Hypothesis. . Geoffrey McCafferty. Mi Museo y Vos 32. 21-30. (2015)
- 2015 The Mexican Legacy in Nicaragua, or Problems when Data Behave Badly. Geoffrey McCafferty. In Constructing Legacies of Mesoamerica: Archaeological Practice and the Politics of Heritage in and Beyond Mexico, edited by David S. Anderson, Dylan C. Clark, and J. Heath Anderson. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, Volu. 110-118. (2015)
- Mythstory and Archaeology: Of Earth Goddesses, Weaving Tools, and Buccal Masks. Geoffrey McCafferty and Sharisse McCafferty. In Bridging the Gaps: Integrating Archaeology and History in Oaxaca, Mexico, edited by Danny Zborover and Peter C. Kroefges. University Press of Colorado, Boulder, CO. 97-111. (2015)
In the News
- Ancient Apocalypse, Episode 2.
- Identified as representative of “Pillars of Prominence and Promise” of the University of Calgary’s Academic Plan. Research office’s Community of Discovery. (2003)
Are you the profile owner?
Login to edit.